Category Archives: Philosophy

My Fall Philo Classes

Here are the Fall courses I will be offering at the Hutton House Lecture Series of LIU Post.

MARTIN HEIDEGGER AND THE MEANING OF BEING
(ON CAMPUS AND ONLINE)

Often considered the leading European philosopher of the 20th Century, Martin Heidegger has been both highly influential and deeply controversial, never more so than with his ambiguous relation to the Nazis. We will introduce students both to his brilliant philosophy, his controversial politics, and his unorthodox affair with his student and then very significant Jewish social theorist and philosopher Hannah Arendt.

1 – 3 p.m. 1 session
Tuesday, September 17 Fee: $33

STOICISM
(ON CAMPUS AND ONLINE)

Stoicism has seen a significant “re-birth” in recent times, being seen as a quite satisfying lifestyle for guiding us through the perils of our modern world. In order to adequately appreciate its strength and resilience, it will help to understand the perceptions, advice, and self-understanding that were so brilliantly and sensitively expressed by the classical Stoics. We will pay particular attention to the life and works of Epictetus, Seneca, and Marcus Aurelius, as well as providing an historical overview of the entire classical development.

1 – 3 p.m. 2 session
Thursdays, October 24 and 31 Fee: $62

JOHN STUART MILL AND UTILITARIANISM
(ON CAMPUS AND ONLINE)

The life story of John Stuart Mill is both brilliant and poignant, so beautifully told in his autobiography. From his astounding childhood education to his beautiful and tragic love affair with Harriet Taylor, he was without question the greatest and most influential English Philosopher of the 19th Century, and the premier defender of both Utilitarianism and individual liberty. The son of James Mill, and disciple of Jeremy Bentham, together the founders of Utilitarianism, John Stuart gave to their philosophy its most complete development. And that philosophy is probably the single most popular approach currently used to evaluate moral issues. Further, it is his essay “On Liberty” that provides the classic defense of individual freedom of thought, discussion, and action. We will explore all these issues in our course.

1 – 3 p.m. 2 sessions
Tuesdays, December 10 and 17 Fee: $62

For further information, contact:
Karen Young
The Hutton House Lectures
LIU Post
720 Northern Blvd.
Brookville, NY 11548-1300
Phone: 516-299-4003
Email: Karen.Young@liu.edu

“Ontological Emergence ad Human Freedom”

My article on “Ontological Emergence and Human Freedom” was just published by the Journal of Speculative Philosophy, (vol. 36, 3)

Abstract:This article develops the ontological doctrine of naturalistic emergence, detailing three distinct but related types of emergent structures. It thus provides a coherent framework for making sense of the reality of human freedom, consistent with the operative determinism of natural science. This possibility emerges from taking seriously the implications of the reality of non-separability and decoherence, the significance of conservation laws, and the causal significance of systemic properties. The metaphysics of ontological emergence that is thus suggested reveals the ontological limitations of Aristotelian logic, Cartesian reduction, and their modern epigoni. Specific attention is paid to the formulations of scientific reductionism by E. O. Wilson with his theory of “consilience,” and to Jaegwon Kim’s critique of the doctrine of emergence.

I would be glad to forward a copy of it to anyone who sends me their email address.

Socrates and Plato Reconsidered

I have long been quite upset by the prevalent reigning “official” philosophical and cultural treatment, might I say, idolization, of Plato and Socrates, more, i believe, a matter of successful propaganda than of historical or philosophical truth. And an idolization that I honestly believe has had quite unfortunate significant historical consequences. Let me all too briefly explain. 

A few apparently obvious facts. Socrates and Plato were two distinct historical individuals. Plato was an apparently devoted student of Socrates. Socrates wrote nothing. Plato wrote numerous dialogues in most of which Socrates is the lead character. In one of those dialogues, the “Apology,” Plato presents his report of the trial of Socrates before a jury composed of members of the Athenian democracy. (I do not think I am being unfair to observe that Plato despised that democracy. But let that point go for the moment.) 

Under what conditions would any reasonable person take the report of one person, especially one who clearly could not be seen as impartial, as an objective factual report of the truth? Even given the best of intentions. But Plato clearly had many more passionate reasons to bias his report: to justify Socrates to the wider society, as well as to posterity; to cover Socrates involvement with the oligarchy that had overthrown the democracy in 404, killing some 1,500 citizens, and tried again unsuccessfully in 401; to defend and promote the interests of the oligarchic faction, including his extended family, in 4th Century Athenian politics; and to undermine the popular forces and emerging social classes that found expression in the activities of the major Sophists and in the plays of Euripides. Note that the word used in the Apology for corrupting the youth is the same word used by Plato elsewhere for political subversion. Does not Aristophanes speak of the “Socratifed youth” that are “Sparta-mad”? And this trial coming directly on the heals of Critias’ 401 failed insurgency about which so little is often said. Plato’s membership in, relationship to, and continuing support for that oligarchy apparently continued throughout his lifetime. He clearly wanted to show the democracy in the worst light possible – that is obviously the pervasive theme of the “Republic” throughout!! — and this throughout his entire career. We must not forget that Plato features Critias in four!! dialogues, and Charmides as a beautiful youth with promise, in one. Both close relatives of Plato, and followers of Socrates. In fact, almost all of Socates’ followers except Chaerephon were members of the oligarchy. No wonder that it is the long dead Chaerephon who is presented as reporting the Delphic pronouncement. 

Why then take the Platonic portrait of Socrates as the historically “correct” one? There are also those of Xenophon, of Aristophanes, later of Aristotle, and apparently a quite different, and democratic friendly, report of the trial from an unfortunately long lost statement, probably by a Polycrates, all providing significantly different perspectives. 

And then consider Socrates’ purported noble love for Athens and its laws as presented by the Platonic Socrates in the “Crito” (as opposed to the actions of his students such as Critias, Charmides and Alcibiades). When throughout his long life do we have a report of Socrates participating in the Assembly? Did he object to the policies of Pericles? Of he demagogue Cleon? Of the war with Sparta? Of the disastrous attack on Melos? On the voyage to Sicily? Never. His only reported intervention, very late in life, was to critique the trial of the generals, whom we may even assume were members of the oligarchy. Then, of course, there are those later followers who claim the Socratic inspiration, eg. Antisthenes, Aristippus, Diogenes, Epicurus – all of which have at least one thing in common, they are all apolitical, if not anti-political. And we know of Socrates’, and then Plato’s, admiration for Spartan society. That is probably the context in which Plato develops his argument for the role of women. As it is also the probable context for his drastic and authoritarian removal of children from their parents. If you are convinced that you are “the one who knows”, what is to limit you from imposing your ”divinely inspired” will on the”herd”, at whatever human cost. That does seem to have been Critias’ view. 

I could go on but this would become an essay. Suffice it to say, I find it absurd that the sophisticated philosophical tradition treats the Platonic Apology as an historical account of the person/life of Socrates, when no court of even moderately informed jurors would be so naive. And with what consequences, for democracy, for respect for collective self determination, and representative government. Even providing a quite misleading and uncritical celebration of the so-called Socratic method.  

Once we recognize that in the dialogues we are dealing with a Platonic Socrates, only tangentially and, may I say, prejudicially, related to the historical person, then we can get on with the appropriate textual, philosophical, and historical task of addressing the life and thought of Plato, as well as evaluating its immense historical and on-going cultural significance. And here, being clear about these issue, will help us better appreciate the authoritarian and entirely undemocratic nature of Plato’s work, and even that of his immediate followers. And will contribute to framing a far more critical approach to his discussions of education, character development, and constructive political engagements. This perspective would also place in a clearer light Plato’s relation with such destructive figures as Alcibiades, Critias, and Charmides, among others, as well as his antagonism to the Sophists. 

Granted, these are all scattered pieces of an argument – but these are clearly issues that have concerned me, as a committed democratic activist in the Deweyian and Camusian tradition, for quite some time. Generally speaking, I do not like Plato or his philosophy, but I do prefer the”early” dialogues for their dramatic and thoughtful engagements among living people than the “later” dialogues in which all too often Socrates deals with “yes men,” as we in the last 8+ books of the “Republic.” (I do, however, like the challenge that Glaucon poses in Book Two.) But I must say, that the best treatment of Plato’s philosophy that I have ever seen, that makes the best defense for it and its constructible philosophical significance, is the work of Rebecca Neuberger Goldstein in “Plato at the Googleplex”. But enough. My thoughts on the historical Socrates, the Platonic Socrates, and Plato – for what it’s worth. 

Reflecting on “The Swerve” – and the future of civilization

Poggio Bracciolini was a hunter of lost manuscripts. One of many 14 & 15th Century Italian Humanists seeking to recapture lost classical civilization. He was also apostolic secretary to Pope John XXIII. (If you wonder how that could have been the case, since you remember the remarkable 1958-1963 Pontificate of Pope John XXIII, I’ll get to that later.) He stands out in history because of his remarkable success in finding a copy of Lucretius’s On The Nature of Things that had disappeared from public view more than 1,000 years earlier. The fascinating detective story of how this was accomplished is beautifully told by Steven Greenberg, in his award-winning book The Swerve, which I had trouble putting down. 

But that is not the point of this comment. Rather, it is on the light this book sheds on the challenges of cultural development that I wish briefly to comment. While reading – for the second time – this dramatically unfolding story, I was continually drawn to thinking about the fragility and complexity, the socially and economically interrelated and historically conditioned reality, that is contemporary civilization. And how much each of us is a product of the time and place of our birth, having to make the most of the historically determined “niche” in which, for better or worse, we chance to find ourselves. And more, having a seriously limited capacity to effect the context or trajectory of our encompassing society, and its historically constituted social, economic and cultural situation. 

Poggio and his fellow Humanists, for example, were surrounded by the historical ruins of Classical, and particularly Roman, civilization. And they were deeply aware of the limits of their own possibilities, and of how far their current world was from that lost world. They could fantasize a classical life for themselves, as they sought to recapture a classical Latin literary style, but they could not significantly effect the degraded culture in which they found themselves.  

Poggio, for his part, not being of noble birth or having important family connections, was only able to take advantage of his exceptional handwriting ability – to write with clarity and elegance – and thus to pursue a highly successful career as a scribe. (Such a skill in our modern computer-based world would, of course, be of practically no use.) Thus he was able to fairly quickly advance within the Church bureaucracy, itself deeply involved in the developing world of contentious Italian city-state politics of the early Renaissance. It was also a world of pervasive city-state conflict, court intrigue, and Church corruption through which any one interested in succeeding had to navigate perilously. It was that world that both produced the Pontificate of the completely corrupt Baldasare Cossa, and then his removal from office, three years of imprisonment, and the complete effacement of any acknowledgement of his reign from official Church history, thus allowing the saintly Angelo Roncalli to assume the title of John XXIII in 1958.

As I was thinking about what it might have been like to be Poggio, and to have found oneself in his time and place, I compared his situation to mine — and, in a wider sense, to “ours,” those born in the Unites States in the last years of the 20th and the first years of the 21st Century: to the complexity and fragility of the technologically advanced civilization and life styles we take for granted. For example, life expectancy for most Italians in Poggio’s time was about 40 years. And those who, like Poggio, lived into their 60s or 70s — very few lived much beyond that — were plagued by numerous ailments, even quite minor ones by contemporary standards, for which there were no effective medical treatments. And, of course, travel beyond one’s local town or village was practically impossible, except for the quite wealthy, with travel time being at best 7 miles an hour, and communication being almost entirely word of mouth, and limited to the most immediate local concerns. 

I will not further dwell on such historical contrasts except to underline the dependence of the life chances of each person on the current historical and cultural conditions which we had no role in producing. We are the beneficiaries of centuries of historical progress in science, culture, economics, medicine, communications, and politics. But certainly not all of us, and certainly not all equitably. For that historical development has sadly and tragically also been scared by imperial expansion, colonial exploitation and oppression, even genocide, and an increasing despoilation of the Earth, with an increasing threat to the very conditions of decent life on the planet. Nothing guarantees the continued survival of our civilization, nor the continued cross-cultural advances in world-wide life expectancy, and certainly not the success of efforts to combat pervasive forms of corruption, subjugation, exploitation, and oppression. Civilizations, even the most powerful, have disintegrated and died, and that usually more from internal rot than external conquest. Did people in the declining years of the Roman Empire know that their Empire was in the process of disappearing? And was there anything that they could have done about that? 

And what of us today, in the US in the age of Trump? Are we in the midst of the agonies of a nation and a culture in decline, tearing itself apart? And if so, as I fear, is there anything that we can do about it? I, for one, have committed my life to the collective struggle to provide an alternative path that leads from decline to cultural renewal. And our human potentials for the advancement of human well being are literally unprecedented. 

But far too many take our economic, scientific, educational, medical, social and cultural advances for granted, and can only see how we fall short of our highest ideals, or even of our most realistic possibilities. And far too many others are infatuated by fantastical religious beliefs and practices, themselves the products of scientifically primitive ages, and, convinced of their revealed Truth, seek to impose them on the rest of us regardless of the consequences. While still others will use the resources of civilization to amass unlimited amounts of wealth and power without regard to either their effects on the lives of the vast majority or on the long-term consequences for the Earth’s habitability. 

Many of these groups seem quite content to demonize those with whom they disagree, and are prepared to destroy whatever stands in the way of their ascendency. Meanwhile, the complex and tenuous project that is human civilization, on this our increasingly fragile planet, apparently proceeds with business as usual, as we tend toward numerous potential calamities, from climatological, demographic, ecological, biological, chemical, to nuclear. How can we preserve and protect the magnificent accomplishments that are human civilization – in science, medicine, technology, art, history, culture, human rights, environmental preservation, and cross-cultural appreciation – while still mobilizing our collective resources in practical and realistic ways to counter these forces of destruction? Perhaps we may take heart from the growing numbers of people across the globe that have begun to mobilize to counter these institutionalized forces of destruction, but I am far from confident of their success. Life on this earth does not come with an insurance policy. Nor is salvation provided for people or civilizations. Yet such mobilization, as amorphous as it is, is our only hope. For success is not assured, but without it we are lost. So let us all resolve to do our part, step by step and piece by piece, while never losing our humane bearings in the effort to contribute to a world of enhanced mutual respect for human dignity and for the sustaining of an harmonious balance between human beings and the natural world that is our only home.  

A few upcoming speaking engagements

“Some Thoughts About The Democratic Candidates,” at the Ethical Humanist Society of Long Island, (38 Old Country Road, Garden City, NY,) Sunday, August 18th, at 11am.

“The Good Life: Thinking about what really matters.” at the Emma S. Clark Memorial Library (120 Main Street, Setauket, NY), September 4th a 7pm.

“On the Progressive Path Forward,” at Temple Beth El, 660 Park Avenue, Huntington, Sunday, September 8th, at 3pm.

“What is Art?”: a discussion of John Dewey’s Art As Experience, The Frick Estate Lectures at the Nassau County Museum, October 23rd, from 1:30-3:30pm.

For more information, contact mer at dsprintz@me.com.

Addressing the Crisis of Our Civilization: Existentialism of Sartre and Camus

None can doubt that our civilization is in crisis — daily challenged by economic and social dislocations, technological transformations, political upheavals, ideological contestations, violent confrontations, environmental dislocations, and the ever present danger of nuclear annihilation. What are we to make of all this? And what are we to do about it?
Few have wrestled more personally, profoundly, and creatively with these challenges than the two Noble Prize winners that we will use as our guides in this course. Albert Camus received his Award for “the clear-sighted earnestness (with which he) illuminates the problems of the human conscience in our times.” His one-time friend, then dedicated antagonist, Jean-Paul Sartre, the first person to have rejected that Prize, was the most prominent French Philosopher of the 20th Century. We will explore in some detail their lives, personal and political conflicts, celebrated novels and essays, philosophical theories, and positive proposals for addressing the crises of our civilization.

This course will be offered by me as part of the Hutton House Lecture Series at LIU/Post in 9 sessions, on Wednesdays, from 1-3pm, from September 6 through November 1, 2017.

Robert Zaretsky’s A Life Worth Living: Albert Camus and the Quest For Meaning

Robert Zaretsky’s A Life Worth Living: Albert Camus and the Quest For Meaning is a pleasant personal exploration of the significance of Camus’s work. It is built around five central Camusian themes: Absurdity, Silence, Measure, Fidelity, and Revolt. Zaretsky’s presentation is pleasant, and for the most part adequate, if not particularly remarkable. He does offer a few helpful additions to the usual presentations, most particularly with the focus he puts on the importance for Camus of the work of Simone Weil. As he importantly observes, “Camus considered the analysis of human needs and duties in L’Enracinement to be a revelation.” To which he adds that “he found Weil’s treatment of ancient Greece no less revelatory,” namely, her “conceptions of limit, measure, equilibrium, which ought to determine the conduct of life” in the West, but do not.

But it is precisely here, however, that Zaretsky’s then goes importantly astray, and it is to correct that serious misrepresentation that I felt compelled to write this review. First, Zaretsky makes the important error of translating “la mesure” as “moderation”, which reduces Camus engaged politics of struggle to an anemic plea for moderation. And then he compounds that error by claiming that Camus insists we must “never allow our rebellion to turn into revolution,” (P. 180) thus treating rebellion and revolution as essential antagonists.

Both conservatives and “liberals” — the latter particularly in the United States — on the one hand, and Marxists and radicals in general, on the other hand, have sought to present Camus as counter-posing revolt and revolution precisely in the manner of Zaretsky. The former to praise him for his opposition to radical revolution, and the latter to rake him over the proverbial coals as a bourgeoise sellout to capitalist oppression.

But Camus emphatically rejected precisely that interpretation of his work, and went to great pains to insist that there was a critical and crucial connection between rebellion and revolution, which we fail to recognize at our peril. No where is that effort clearer than in his (initially unpublished) response to the controversy over The Rebel. (For the English translation of that essay, see my Sartre and Camus: An Historic Confrontation.) Rather, it is only “absolutist”, ideologically inspired Revolution that Camus targets with his criticism, while insisting that fruitful rebellion ought rightfully to lead to revolutionary transformations so long as such revolutions remain true to the spirit of outrage and the demand to respect human dignity that initiated the rebellion. Hence, there is a necessary unity in tension between the spirit of rebellion and the institutionalization of revolution that needs always to be maintained. And Zaretsky completely misses that connection, and thus eviscerates the force of Camus’ analysis. (For an extensive discussion on these issues, see my “Camus: A Critical Examination.)

Review of Robert Zaretsky’s A Life Worth Living — Belknap Press of Harvard University: Cambridge, MA 2013

 

Courses on “What Must We Do Now,” and on the Thought of Albert Camus

Hutton House Course proposals for Fall 2015

Hutton House is a nationally recognized adult education program at LIU/Post, in Brookville, Long Island. For information, contact its Director, Kay Sato, at kay.sato@liu.edu.

WHAT MUST WE DO NOW.

For those who are concerned about the current direction of American society, this two part course will analyze the roots of our current crises and then seek to present a vision, strategies, and a practical program of economic, social and political reconstruction. We will draw upon actual theories and programs that, though “under the radar” of public attention, are currently challenging traditional economics and politics, and can even be locally initiated.

Two sessions — on Wed., September 16 & 23, from 1-3pm

AN EXPLORATION OF THE THOUGHT AND LIFE OF ALBERT CAMUS

As the Western World is now seeing a revival of interest in the work of this Nobel Prize recipient, it would seem an appropriate time to explore the contemporary relevance of his life and thought. We will focus on his major works — The Stranger, The Plague, The Fall, and The Rebel — as they develop the key stages of his thought. In addition to exploring his concepts of “the absurd,” and “revolt”, we will consider his personal roots, as set forth in his uncompleted fictionalized autobiography, The First Man, the manuscript that was found with his body at the time of his tragic death. The frame for this discussion is provided by the comprehensive study of his work that is found in my “Camus: A Critical Examination.”

Five sessions, on Wednesdays from September 30 – October 28 from 1-3pm.

Dr. David Sprintzen. Emeritus Professor of Philosophy at LIU Post. Founder and officer of the Long Island Progressive Coalition, and an officer with LI Jobs with Justice and Citizen Action of New York. Author of books on Albert Camus and American Philosophy, and numerous articles on contemporary society.